Mikhail Vorontsov
Diary Excerpts on the 1812 Campaign
Translated By Alexander
Mikaberidze, FINS
I left Bucharest in April 1812[1]
and on arriving at headquarters at Lutzk, I found that I had been
appointed to the command of a division of grenadiers.
In the beginning of June, the memorable campaign of 1812 began by
the French army passing the Niemen and Prince [Peter] Bagration
received orders, first to march northwards towards Brest-Litovsk and
then to begin his retreat towards Smolensk, where out two great
armies, the first under general Barclay de Tolly and the other under
prince Bagration, were to unite. During the whole of this march I
was appointed to support our rearguard of cavalry including the
Cossacks under the hetman Platov and general Vasilchikov, several
engagements took place in which our rearguard had always the
advantage and the French, Polisg and Westphalian cavalry suffered
great losses in men, in reputation and in confidence. The first
encounter we had with the French was at Moghilev on the Dnieper. The
corps of general Rayevsky had there a very serious engagement, in
which Paskevich, commanding the 26th division, very much
distinguished himself. My division was left to cover the retreat,
but the French did not follow.
It is useless to enter into other details of this memorable
campaign.
When we took up our position at Borodino, I was appointed to
support our left flank, where we had a very serious engagement on
the 24th of August. The troops that were on the 1st line having
suffered very much, my division took their place and on the
following day, preparatory to the great battles, I received orders
to occupy and defend three fleches, which were constructed to cover
our left flank, the weaker part of our line.
On the 26th early began the battle
or rather the butchery of Borodino. The whole of the French force
was directed against our left flank, consequently on the fleches
(defended by my division); more than a hundred pieces of artillery
played some time upon us and the greatest part of the best French
infantry, under Marshals Davoust and Ney, marched straight upon us.
Our fleches were stormed after a stout resistance, were retaken by
us, stormed again by the French, retaken once more and were at last
soon lost again, from the overpowering force employed against them.
I was wounded by a musket ball in the thigh, as we were in the act
of retaking the fleches the first time, my brave division was
entirely destroyed, and out of near 5,000 men, not more than about
300, with one field officer of the name of … [name not indicated]
remained untouched or slightly wounded;[2]
4 of 5 of our divisions met with very nearly the same fate ion the
same ground.
The loss of the French was also frightful; one may say that
4/5ths of the battle took place on our left flank, and though in the
result we were unable to keep that position, the French had lost too
much to retain during the night what they had gained during the day.
I do not mean here to give any more details of this battle, which
has no parallel in modern history. Our loss in killed and wounded
was about 30 generals, 1,600 officers and 42,000 men. The French
loss, as I saw myself in the reports taken at Vilna in Marshal
Berthier’s papers, was no less than 40 generals, 1,800 officers
and about 52,000 men.
My wound was dressed on the field, the bullet extracted and for
the first 3 or 4 versts I was transported in a little
peasant’s carriage, of which one wheel was knocked off by a cannon
ball and we managed to go upon the remaining three. I thus managed
to reach my own calash which was with the baggage of the army, and
there I very soon saw a great number of generals and officers, more
or less severely wounded, some of them my intimate friends.
It was there I saw for the last time
Lieut.-General [Nikolay] Tuchkov and my brave chief, Prince
Bagration, who both soon after died of their wounds. These two men
had been in their early life companions in arms, afterwards rivals
and at length enemies; they had saluted one another coolly the very
day before the battle and then met again in this place to meet soon
after in another world. Most of the wounded passed the time at the
small town at Mozhaisk, where every house became an hospital; before
daybreak, we heard that Kutuzov had decided upon a retreat, and we
went on that day to a village about half-way to Moscow. By this time
I was joined by two intimate friends – general [Emmanuel] St.
Priest[3]
and [Nikolay] Kretov,[4]
both wounded; the first in the breast, but not dangerously, the
other in the hand.
Colonel [Andrey] Bogdanovsky,[5]
whom you saw afterwards at Maubeuge, severely wounded in the leg,
and several others of my friends and comrades, both of my division,
and of my old regiment of Narva, some of whom were indeed wounded
mortally, joined our separate procession and we agreed to go
together wherever it should be found best, and luckily for us, the
chief surgeon of my division, who had also got a slight musket shot
in his hand, agreed to accompany us. The 3rd day we arrived at
Moscow, and rested there for two days; my wound, which had been very
painful during the first 24 hours, ceased to be so afterwards, and
though totally unable to stand upon my legs, I was comparatively
comfortable, and would have wished that all my companions could be
in the same state. I had a good long calash and bore the journey
very well.
It may appear extraordinary that even in those serious
circumstances and perhaps partly on account of their exciting
importance, we were mostly content, merry and even enjoying our
repasts with great appetite. In fact the crisis was coming on and we
all felt that this crisis would be favorable to the cause of our
country; we felt that we had fought in such a manner that the French
could not boast of a victory except by the circumstance of our
retreat and the abandonment of the ancient capital. Our army was
terribly weakened by the battle; but fresh troops were joining us
every day; we were in the middle of our resources, and we had plenty
of every thing, we knew very well that the French army on the
contrary equally, if not more weakened by the battle was getting
farther everyday from reinforcements and reserves, was in want of
every thing and would be soon in a starving condition.
The sacrifice of Moscow alone had banished every idea or fear of
peace, and there could be no longer higher object or pretext for
concluding one. On Monday the 1st of September, the day before our
army left Moscow and the French entered it, we left Moscow by the
Vladimir road. I resolved to got to Andreyevsky, an old family seat
about 120 miles from Moscow, and where I had been twice with my
uncle Count Alexander [Romanovich Vorontsov], who died there in
1805, and where my grandfather [Roman Illarionovich Vorontsov] also
died some 30 years before. A good number of my friends and fellow
sufferers agreed to go with me, and we arrived there with our own
horses on the 3rd day.
On our arrival, we were informed of all that had passed at
Moscow, of the melancholy entry of Napoleon into that ancient city,
where the French army had hoped to find population and resources and
to conclude peace. You know that they found a desert, that all hopes
of peace and even of success were blasted, and that two days after
their arrival, 4/5ths of the city were burnt to the ground. I shall
say nothing about the manner in which this was done, but I shall
only say that so early as when we joined the first army at Smolensk,
we heard of the resolution to burn Moscow, rather than leave it as a
resource for the enemy, and that we all heard this with joy and
triumph.
At Andreyevsky a few of my companions died of their wounds. Some
of the more slightly wounded left us as soon as they could rejoin
the army, but before I was in a condition for moving, we received
the joyful intelligence that our principal army under Kutuzov had
succeeded in making a flank movement on the right and almost on the
rear of the French, establishing itself in a good position
south-west of Moscow, on the road to Kaluga. This made us quite
secure at Andreyevsky; for the first 10 days of our stay we were
very much on the alert and had all our means of transport ready at a
moment’s notice.
Marshal Ney had established his headquarters at Bogorodsk in the
Vladimir road, and if he had had any available light troops of
cavalry our situation would have been severely dangerous, for there
were not amongst us all 12 men capable of defending themselves; bust
most of the French cavalry was in fact already destroyed, and the
greatest part of the remainder together with the whole of the Polish
cavalry was with Murat observing marshal Kutuzov’s position. Very
soon after we heard of the brilliant affair at Taroutino, where
Murat was surprised and beaten by our army, and that this had forced
Napoleon to assemble all his troops, abandon Moscow and march
against Kutuzov.
It is not my business to say what
followed; how then came the battle of Maloyaroslavets which the
French claimed as a victory; but after which they were obliged to
retreat, not by a fresh and rich country as they had intended, but
by their old and completely exhausted route of Smolensk, how they
were harassed and partially destroyed at Vyasma, at Krasnyi and on
the Berezina, how after the passage of this last river, and not
before as the French pretend, in order to palliate their disgrace,
severe frost came on to accomplish the destruction of their
unfortunate army, and how before reaching Vilna, Napoleon though it
more prudent and safe to leave the miserable remnants of his
gigantic force in the charge of the distracted Murat and himself
went off with 2 or 3 companions, and a chosen band as convoy through
the rest of Lithuania to the frontier, then to Warsaw, where he had
his well-known interview with the abbè [Dominic] Pradt,[6]
and so on to Paris.
All these important events are described in 50 different books
and in as many different ways. You have wished to have the private
and unmeaning adventures of your uncle; consequently not without a
full sense of the complete inferiority of such a tale, I must go on
with what regards my own poor self.
On the 29th of October, I was well enough to leave my crutches
and to walk about tolerably with the support of a cane and quitting
about a dozen of my companions, who were not yet in a state to move,
I left Andreyevsky to join the army. From Andreyevsky to Moscow, I
got post-horses; but after Moscow, it was difficult to find any on
the route that had been followed by the army so that I had at first
to buy my own horses in 2 or 3 instances, for distances of 100 or
200 miles, when post-horses failed, and in the Polish provinces, I
obtained horses from the Jews for 2 or 3 days at a time from town to
town.
Notes
[1]
Vorontsov left Bucharest on 31 March 1812 and arrived to Lutsk on
11 April. He became commander of the Combined Grenadier Division
on 13 April 1812.
[2]
According to “Report on the killed, wounded and missing soldiers
of the 8th Corps”, the Combined Grenadier Division listed 4,059
men at Borodino and lost 2,500 killed, wounded and missing in
action. Borodino: Dokumenty, pisma, vospominania (Moscow,
1962), 193.
[3]
St. Priest was the Chief of Staff of the 2nd Western Army.
[4]
Kretov commanded a cuirassier brigade of the 7th Corps of the 2nd
Western Army. In 1813-1814, he led the 1st Cuirassier Division.
[5]
During the 1812 Campaign, Bogdanovsky commanded the Narva Infantry
Regiment attached to the 1st Brigade of the 12th
Division of the 7th Corp of the 2nd Western Army. He participated
in Bagration’s retreat and fought at Smolensk and Borodino.
Promoted to colonel on 28 March 1813, he took part in the siege of
Modlin and the battle of Leipzig. In 1814, he fought at Craonne
and was promoted to major general on 13 December 1814 with
seniority dating from 7 March 1814.
[6]
During this meeting, Napoleon told Pradt, “there is only one
step from greatness to ridicule.”
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